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Ireland

Articles by Ireland

COVID-19 and SRHR
09 July 2021

COVID-19 IPPF innovation and best practice

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact on access to and enjoyment of sexual and reproductive health services and rights. While families, couples and individuals have faced intense pressure and hardship as a result of the pandemic, life-saving sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services and supplies, including sexual and gender-based violence services, have become scarce and/or inaccessible. Existing socioeconomic inequalities have been exacerbated, especially as they pertain to girls, women and marginalised groups.  As nationally owned and locally operated health service providers, IPPF Member Associations (MAs) remain committed to their communities and the people within them. In this Case Study series, we share progress, learning and innovation that has occurred within MAs over the course of the pandemic. The case studies cover: telemedicine for abortion in the COVID-19 context, SGBV response in COVID-19, adapting sexuality education in COVID-19 through digitalisation, and leaving no one behind, especially marginalised populations. Take a look at the above Case Studies from Bulgaria, Estonia, Serbia and Ireland. 

Repeal the 8th amendment, abortion rights Ireland
21 February 2019

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland

25 May 2018 brought a landslide victory for the Yes campaign to repeal the eighth amendment in the Irish constitution, which effectively gave equal rights to the pregnant woman and the fetus. Before the repeal victory, abortion was only permitted if the woman’s life was at risk but not in cases of rape, incest or foetal abnormality. Such strict laws had dire, and in some instances, fatal consequences for women seeking abortion services. Many women were forced to turn to unsafe abortion methods or to seek safe abortion services in the UK. Following years of campaigning and perseverance, a seismic change in public opinion on abortion had taken place. With the 8th amendment now repealed, Ireland’s Government has committed to delivering legislation which legalizes abortion care on a woman’s own indication in the first twelve weeks of pregnancy. As of January this year, the Irish Family Planning Association provides early medical abortion up to 9 weeks of pregnancy. Abortion care is free for women living in the Republic of Ireland. For more details please visit www.ifpa.ie. Meet some of the people who tirelessly campaigned to repeal the eighth amendment, what it means to them and the future of women and girls in Ireland. Want to know more about how medical and surgical abortion works? You can watch our explainer videos here. Content originally published on the ippf.org website.

Maeve Taylor, Irish Family Planning Association, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
19 February 2019

'It’s about her health, autonomy, dignity - her fundamental rights.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Maeve Taylor, Director of Advocacy and Communications, IFPA We’ve brought about profound change in Ireland from a position where abortion occupied a toxic political space, where it was a divisive issue for politicians and in public discourse. We had to create a cultural shift so that rather than thinking about abortion in some abstract or ideological way we framed a conversation to help parliamentarians, civil society and the wider public understand we’re talking about a fundamental issue of women's health. Dressing up abortion as a political issue or ideological issue can make it feel scary and keep it on the margins. But a conversation about something that should be part of a mainstream health service, having international experts talking in very measured expert ways allows people to think differently. We never took a view that we'll talk about this specific category of women because they are the most sympathetic. We resisted any of that. It was a ‘leave no one behind’ strategy of advocating for all women whatever their circumstance. All our advocacy and communications has been about this message. This is about a woman, about a woman's decision. It’s about her health, autonomy, dignity - her fundamental rights. You need to ensure people understand those terms. You do that by providing the story, the narrative and the language that allows those who still hold to conservative and/or Catholic views to understand that their own moral values must also mean caring for women who need abortions.

Áine Kavanagh, Irish Family Planning Association, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
19 February 2019

'I saw how the patients were talked about with such respect and compassion. It brought home the stark contrast of how women in Ireland were treated.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Áine Kavanagh, Advocacy and Communications Assistant, IFPA I'm 23 years old and I grew up in a particularly rural and conservative part of Ireland. Our country has changed hugely since I was born in 1995. Homosexuality was decriminalized in 1993 just two years before I was born. And then just three years ago gay marriage was legalized. It's mind blowing for me to think that’s all happened in my lifetime, so I can't imagine how mind blowing it is to my parent’s generation. The only time I ever heard the word abortion mentioned in school was when we were doing a play in the Irish language. There was a scene where the characters were discussing abortion. I remember asking the teacher what the word translated as. She said, ‘It means murder’. I know now if you break the translation down it would be similar to the word for a fetus. That doesn't literally translate as murder. But that was how it was explained it to us. I studied reproductive biology at university and did my dissertation project in an abortion clinic in 2017. I was interviewing doctors and nurses working in the clinic in Edinburgh about their relationship with their patients. That spurred me into action. I decided to go home and help with the Yes campaign. Legislation is how social change is made, how rights are created. Young people are often seen as politically apathetic, but it’s important my generation are involved in the reproductive rights movement.

Catriona Henchion, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
19 February 2019

'They wanted to have an abortion, they didn't know where to turn.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Dr Catriona Henchion, Medical Director, IFPA As a doctor I heard so many stories of how abortion law in Ireland caused problems for women. At the IFPA we gathered those stories into different groups, and when we came to be asked for evidence, we realized we had gathered so much through our normal clinical work. We had stories from women who had problems in earlier pregnancies and were afraid to go through another or had been told it wouldn't be safe to be pregnant again. They wanted to have an abortion, they didn't know where to turn. For us it was difficult trying to look after those women. From a medical perspective we had to ensure they had enough medical information about their own history to be treated safely and to assess the best place for them to go where they would be looked after. And all of this without our being allowed to make an appointment on their behalf or calling the doctor in England that would be treating them. Because that was forbidden under the law.

Alison Spillane, Irish Family Planning Association, Together for Yes, repeal the 8th amendment
12 February 2019

'I never thought the victory would be so emphatic.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Alison Spillane, Policy Officer, IFPA Former Political Coordinator for the Together for Yes campaign The Together for Yes campaign was a coming together of a range of different civil society organizations that have been working on this issue for many years. I worked with parliamentarians across the political spectrum; it was my job to bring everyone around the table, ensuring they understood the campaign messaging, campaign activities, working collectively and coordinating our efforts effectively to secure that Yes vote. The IFPA had pre-existing relationships with a lot of these political parties due to our role as Secretariat to the All-Party Interest Group on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights, which was established in 2000. That was a huge benefit. It was important to engage politicians because the party in Government which called this referendum is a centre-right party, and they have historically never been a champion on this issue. It was essential we engaged with them and helped build their understanding of abortion and unintended pregnancy. Allies on the left also deserve huge credit for consistently being the ones raising this on the floor of Parliament year after year when for a long time they were the lone voices. But at the end of the day for a referendum you need the support of 51 percent of the people who turn out and vote, and 51 percent of the electorate in Ireland are not voting for the left parties. In early October, the Minister for Health introduced legislation with the hope of passing it quite quickly, with abortion service provision beginning in January next year. We're in a space now that even six months ago I didn't think we would be in. I never thought the victory would be so emphatic. If the win had been by a narrow margin, we would now be going into a serious battle in parliament over the content of the legislation, but because the majority was so significant - over two-thirds of voters voted Yes - it’s made it very difficult for politicians who oppose abortion to reject that democratic mandate. Even those politicians who are anti-abortion feel they need to allow this legislation to go through, rather than actively seeking to undermine it or to block it. The draft legislation was published before the referendum and I don't think it adequately reflects the strength of that support - the Irish public very clearly voted to allow women access to abortion when they need it. The new law is not good enough, but there will be an opportunity to review it in three years and assess whether it meets women’s needs. The Government is also looking at reforming sexuality education. This is the first time abortion has been positioned in public discourse as a health issue, the first-time politicians and the public really understood the entire relationship between contraception, sexuality education and abortion services.  

Maura Leahy, Director of Counselling, IFPA
12 February 2019

'The way the laws were framed were suspicious of women, forcing them to justify their decision making.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Maura Leahy, Director of Counselling, IFPA I have been the IFPA Director of Counselling in Crisis Pregnancy since May 2017. For 25 years I have worked with children in care, early school leavers, and women at risk of crisis pregnancy. The IFPA counsellors have been counselling women in crisis pregnancy for decades. Until now in Ireland we had to work within the context of the Information Act which meant we could talk to women about accessing abortion services outside of Ireland, but only if we also talked to them about parenting and adoption even if they had already decided to terminate. Regardless of the circumstances we still had to outline to them that there were three options or risk falling foul of the law. The Information Act was a layer of bureaucracy but with a menacing kind of tone. There were many times when you were counselling women just thinking ‘oh this is ridiculous’ because this might be a serious case of fetal abnormality, it’s clear this woman isn't going to have this child, or have it adopted. Why do I have to say this? I'm not helping her by being forced to say this. There was a sense of the absurd. Women were often fearful. They knew there is something illegal about abortion or they weren't sure if it was okay to talk about it. Some women also had experience of rogue agencies where they thought they were speaking to a counsellor, but they were tricked by a pro-life group trying to influence their decision and prevent them accessing abortion services. These rogue clinics had different tactics like setting an appointment for next week and then ringing and postponing, to create time delays in terms of women accessing services. Or they’d show graphic images of a fetus. That's exploitative and manipulative, taking advantage of women in a vulnerable situation. So, when we said, whatever your decision is we'll work with you to achieve that, there was often a sigh of relief, a feeling of: ‘Oh, we've come to somewhere where we can actually be supported.’ The way the laws were framed were suspicious of women, forcing them to justify their decision making.

Dr Mark Murphy, Doctors for Choice, abortion rights Ireland
12 February 2019

'At what point when a woman is becoming unwell can you say it’s life-threatening?'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Dr Mark Murphy GP, Doctors for Choice I qualified as a doctor 13 years ago and I've been involved in reproductive rights issues for about a decade. I got involved after I researched the experiences of Irish women in crisis pregnancy. I was so shocked it led me to join Doctors for Choice. The constitutional prohibition of abortion, which is that recognizing that at any time after conception fetal products are equal in terms of rights to life than that of the pregnant woman, for Doctors created an impossible situation when managing severe clinical risk and illness in pregnant women. At what point when a woman is becoming unwell can you say it’s life-threatening? In 2013 there was the Savita case. A happily pregnant woman who unfortunately miscarried at 18 weeks. The obstetric team treating her said that they could not act because there was a fetal heartbeat. She was bleeding and in pain and they said, ‘I'm sorry, the fetal heartbeat will stop and then we will act. Your illness is not real and substantial enough.’ Unfortunately, by the time the heartbeat stopped it was too late. Sepsis had kicked in and Savita died. It is undisputable and has been found to be the case in medical inquiries after the event, that the eighth amendment was a major contributory factor to her death.

Dr Cliona Murphy, abortion rights Ireland,
12 February 2019

'We knew patients might want a termination and we had to say, ‘we can't help you’.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Dr Cliona Murphy, Consultant obstetrician gynaecologist During my medical training abortion really didn't enter the sphere. Like most Irish people I accepted it wasn’t part of our culture. We knew patients might want a termination and we had to say, ‘we can't help you’. I never really questioned that. That changed once I became a consultant. You see people in very difficult situations and you know that in obstetrics and gynaecology everything isn't black and white. I recall one patient who had a scan with a devastating diagnosis. Here were a couple who would never have imagined themselves wanting a termination but dealing with a situation where they needed to. I saw the toll it took on them. I also met patients looking for what was called a ‘social termination, which has connotations of unnecessary or poorly thought out. And yet when you delve down into a patient’s social circumstances I would not want to walk in their shoes. If you’ve lost a job, lost rent allowance, have small children to look after and are desperately trying to keep your head above water and then an unplanned pregnancy comes into it, it can be the final straw that breaks someone. I certainly came across people who I felt were suicidal and yet there could be a difference of medical opinion on how suicidal. All this splitting of hairs over how sick somebody needed to be to have a termination. The process was horrendous. And for a doctor there was always the spectre of the law behind your back if you did the wrong thing.

Catherine Forde, Irish Family Planning Association, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
12 February 2019

'We were regularly called murderers. It was a time in Ireland when the Catholic church reigned supreme.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland Catherine Forde, Activist, barrister and former board member of the IFPA I first got involved during the 1982 campaign to insert the 8th Amendment (that the fetus has a right to life equal right to life of the mother into the Irish Constitution). No matter what one's opinion was on abortion, putting such a clause into our constitution showed complete and utter disrespect for women. It was clear to me this clause would give rise to legal difficulties and put women's lives in danger. I just thought this is unfair. This is wrong. It was a very bitter horrible campaign. We were threatened and intimidated when we canvassed on the streets. We were regularly called murderers. It was a time in Ireland when the Catholic church reigned supreme, and they reckoned they could say what they like and do what they liked. I, and a friend, formed a women's health group where we tried to do something about improving women's access to contraception because at that time even access to contraception was extremely limited. Then in 1984 I was asked to join the board of the Irish Family Planning Association (IFPA).

COVID-19 and SRHR
09 July 2021

COVID-19 IPPF innovation and best practice

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact on access to and enjoyment of sexual and reproductive health services and rights. While families, couples and individuals have faced intense pressure and hardship as a result of the pandemic, life-saving sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services and supplies, including sexual and gender-based violence services, have become scarce and/or inaccessible. Existing socioeconomic inequalities have been exacerbated, especially as they pertain to girls, women and marginalised groups.  As nationally owned and locally operated health service providers, IPPF Member Associations (MAs) remain committed to their communities and the people within them. In this Case Study series, we share progress, learning and innovation that has occurred within MAs over the course of the pandemic. The case studies cover: telemedicine for abortion in the COVID-19 context, SGBV response in COVID-19, adapting sexuality education in COVID-19 through digitalisation, and leaving no one behind, especially marginalised populations. Take a look at the above Case Studies from Bulgaria, Estonia, Serbia and Ireland. 

Repeal the 8th amendment, abortion rights Ireland
21 February 2019

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland

25 May 2018 brought a landslide victory for the Yes campaign to repeal the eighth amendment in the Irish constitution, which effectively gave equal rights to the pregnant woman and the fetus. Before the repeal victory, abortion was only permitted if the woman’s life was at risk but not in cases of rape, incest or foetal abnormality. Such strict laws had dire, and in some instances, fatal consequences for women seeking abortion services. Many women were forced to turn to unsafe abortion methods or to seek safe abortion services in the UK. Following years of campaigning and perseverance, a seismic change in public opinion on abortion had taken place. With the 8th amendment now repealed, Ireland’s Government has committed to delivering legislation which legalizes abortion care on a woman’s own indication in the first twelve weeks of pregnancy. As of January this year, the Irish Family Planning Association provides early medical abortion up to 9 weeks of pregnancy. Abortion care is free for women living in the Republic of Ireland. For more details please visit www.ifpa.ie. Meet some of the people who tirelessly campaigned to repeal the eighth amendment, what it means to them and the future of women and girls in Ireland. Want to know more about how medical and surgical abortion works? You can watch our explainer videos here. Content originally published on the ippf.org website.

Maeve Taylor, Irish Family Planning Association, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
19 February 2019

'It’s about her health, autonomy, dignity - her fundamental rights.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Maeve Taylor, Director of Advocacy and Communications, IFPA We’ve brought about profound change in Ireland from a position where abortion occupied a toxic political space, where it was a divisive issue for politicians and in public discourse. We had to create a cultural shift so that rather than thinking about abortion in some abstract or ideological way we framed a conversation to help parliamentarians, civil society and the wider public understand we’re talking about a fundamental issue of women's health. Dressing up abortion as a political issue or ideological issue can make it feel scary and keep it on the margins. But a conversation about something that should be part of a mainstream health service, having international experts talking in very measured expert ways allows people to think differently. We never took a view that we'll talk about this specific category of women because they are the most sympathetic. We resisted any of that. It was a ‘leave no one behind’ strategy of advocating for all women whatever their circumstance. All our advocacy and communications has been about this message. This is about a woman, about a woman's decision. It’s about her health, autonomy, dignity - her fundamental rights. You need to ensure people understand those terms. You do that by providing the story, the narrative and the language that allows those who still hold to conservative and/or Catholic views to understand that their own moral values must also mean caring for women who need abortions.

Áine Kavanagh, Irish Family Planning Association, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
19 February 2019

'I saw how the patients were talked about with such respect and compassion. It brought home the stark contrast of how women in Ireland were treated.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Áine Kavanagh, Advocacy and Communications Assistant, IFPA I'm 23 years old and I grew up in a particularly rural and conservative part of Ireland. Our country has changed hugely since I was born in 1995. Homosexuality was decriminalized in 1993 just two years before I was born. And then just three years ago gay marriage was legalized. It's mind blowing for me to think that’s all happened in my lifetime, so I can't imagine how mind blowing it is to my parent’s generation. The only time I ever heard the word abortion mentioned in school was when we were doing a play in the Irish language. There was a scene where the characters were discussing abortion. I remember asking the teacher what the word translated as. She said, ‘It means murder’. I know now if you break the translation down it would be similar to the word for a fetus. That doesn't literally translate as murder. But that was how it was explained it to us. I studied reproductive biology at university and did my dissertation project in an abortion clinic in 2017. I was interviewing doctors and nurses working in the clinic in Edinburgh about their relationship with their patients. That spurred me into action. I decided to go home and help with the Yes campaign. Legislation is how social change is made, how rights are created. Young people are often seen as politically apathetic, but it’s important my generation are involved in the reproductive rights movement.

Catriona Henchion, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
19 February 2019

'They wanted to have an abortion, they didn't know where to turn.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Dr Catriona Henchion, Medical Director, IFPA As a doctor I heard so many stories of how abortion law in Ireland caused problems for women. At the IFPA we gathered those stories into different groups, and when we came to be asked for evidence, we realized we had gathered so much through our normal clinical work. We had stories from women who had problems in earlier pregnancies and were afraid to go through another or had been told it wouldn't be safe to be pregnant again. They wanted to have an abortion, they didn't know where to turn. For us it was difficult trying to look after those women. From a medical perspective we had to ensure they had enough medical information about their own history to be treated safely and to assess the best place for them to go where they would be looked after. And all of this without our being allowed to make an appointment on their behalf or calling the doctor in England that would be treating them. Because that was forbidden under the law.

Alison Spillane, Irish Family Planning Association, Together for Yes, repeal the 8th amendment
12 February 2019

'I never thought the victory would be so emphatic.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Alison Spillane, Policy Officer, IFPA Former Political Coordinator for the Together for Yes campaign The Together for Yes campaign was a coming together of a range of different civil society organizations that have been working on this issue for many years. I worked with parliamentarians across the political spectrum; it was my job to bring everyone around the table, ensuring they understood the campaign messaging, campaign activities, working collectively and coordinating our efforts effectively to secure that Yes vote. The IFPA had pre-existing relationships with a lot of these political parties due to our role as Secretariat to the All-Party Interest Group on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights, which was established in 2000. That was a huge benefit. It was important to engage politicians because the party in Government which called this referendum is a centre-right party, and they have historically never been a champion on this issue. It was essential we engaged with them and helped build their understanding of abortion and unintended pregnancy. Allies on the left also deserve huge credit for consistently being the ones raising this on the floor of Parliament year after year when for a long time they were the lone voices. But at the end of the day for a referendum you need the support of 51 percent of the people who turn out and vote, and 51 percent of the electorate in Ireland are not voting for the left parties. In early October, the Minister for Health introduced legislation with the hope of passing it quite quickly, with abortion service provision beginning in January next year. We're in a space now that even six months ago I didn't think we would be in. I never thought the victory would be so emphatic. If the win had been by a narrow margin, we would now be going into a serious battle in parliament over the content of the legislation, but because the majority was so significant - over two-thirds of voters voted Yes - it’s made it very difficult for politicians who oppose abortion to reject that democratic mandate. Even those politicians who are anti-abortion feel they need to allow this legislation to go through, rather than actively seeking to undermine it or to block it. The draft legislation was published before the referendum and I don't think it adequately reflects the strength of that support - the Irish public very clearly voted to allow women access to abortion when they need it. The new law is not good enough, but there will be an opportunity to review it in three years and assess whether it meets women’s needs. The Government is also looking at reforming sexuality education. This is the first time abortion has been positioned in public discourse as a health issue, the first-time politicians and the public really understood the entire relationship between contraception, sexuality education and abortion services.  

Maura Leahy, Director of Counselling, IFPA
12 February 2019

'The way the laws were framed were suspicious of women, forcing them to justify their decision making.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Maura Leahy, Director of Counselling, IFPA I have been the IFPA Director of Counselling in Crisis Pregnancy since May 2017. For 25 years I have worked with children in care, early school leavers, and women at risk of crisis pregnancy. The IFPA counsellors have been counselling women in crisis pregnancy for decades. Until now in Ireland we had to work within the context of the Information Act which meant we could talk to women about accessing abortion services outside of Ireland, but only if we also talked to them about parenting and adoption even if they had already decided to terminate. Regardless of the circumstances we still had to outline to them that there were three options or risk falling foul of the law. The Information Act was a layer of bureaucracy but with a menacing kind of tone. There were many times when you were counselling women just thinking ‘oh this is ridiculous’ because this might be a serious case of fetal abnormality, it’s clear this woman isn't going to have this child, or have it adopted. Why do I have to say this? I'm not helping her by being forced to say this. There was a sense of the absurd. Women were often fearful. They knew there is something illegal about abortion or they weren't sure if it was okay to talk about it. Some women also had experience of rogue agencies where they thought they were speaking to a counsellor, but they were tricked by a pro-life group trying to influence their decision and prevent them accessing abortion services. These rogue clinics had different tactics like setting an appointment for next week and then ringing and postponing, to create time delays in terms of women accessing services. Or they’d show graphic images of a fetus. That's exploitative and manipulative, taking advantage of women in a vulnerable situation. So, when we said, whatever your decision is we'll work with you to achieve that, there was often a sigh of relief, a feeling of: ‘Oh, we've come to somewhere where we can actually be supported.’ The way the laws were framed were suspicious of women, forcing them to justify their decision making.

Dr Mark Murphy, Doctors for Choice, abortion rights Ireland
12 February 2019

'At what point when a woman is becoming unwell can you say it’s life-threatening?'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Dr Mark Murphy GP, Doctors for Choice I qualified as a doctor 13 years ago and I've been involved in reproductive rights issues for about a decade. I got involved after I researched the experiences of Irish women in crisis pregnancy. I was so shocked it led me to join Doctors for Choice. The constitutional prohibition of abortion, which is that recognizing that at any time after conception fetal products are equal in terms of rights to life than that of the pregnant woman, for Doctors created an impossible situation when managing severe clinical risk and illness in pregnant women. At what point when a woman is becoming unwell can you say it’s life-threatening? In 2013 there was the Savita case. A happily pregnant woman who unfortunately miscarried at 18 weeks. The obstetric team treating her said that they could not act because there was a fetal heartbeat. She was bleeding and in pain and they said, ‘I'm sorry, the fetal heartbeat will stop and then we will act. Your illness is not real and substantial enough.’ Unfortunately, by the time the heartbeat stopped it was too late. Sepsis had kicked in and Savita died. It is undisputable and has been found to be the case in medical inquiries after the event, that the eighth amendment was a major contributory factor to her death.

Dr Cliona Murphy, abortion rights Ireland,
12 February 2019

'We knew patients might want a termination and we had to say, ‘we can't help you’.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland  Dr Cliona Murphy, Consultant obstetrician gynaecologist During my medical training abortion really didn't enter the sphere. Like most Irish people I accepted it wasn’t part of our culture. We knew patients might want a termination and we had to say, ‘we can't help you’. I never really questioned that. That changed once I became a consultant. You see people in very difficult situations and you know that in obstetrics and gynaecology everything isn't black and white. I recall one patient who had a scan with a devastating diagnosis. Here were a couple who would never have imagined themselves wanting a termination but dealing with a situation where they needed to. I saw the toll it took on them. I also met patients looking for what was called a ‘social termination, which has connotations of unnecessary or poorly thought out. And yet when you delve down into a patient’s social circumstances I would not want to walk in their shoes. If you’ve lost a job, lost rent allowance, have small children to look after and are desperately trying to keep your head above water and then an unplanned pregnancy comes into it, it can be the final straw that breaks someone. I certainly came across people who I felt were suicidal and yet there could be a difference of medical opinion on how suicidal. All this splitting of hairs over how sick somebody needed to be to have a termination. The process was horrendous. And for a doctor there was always the spectre of the law behind your back if you did the wrong thing.

Catherine Forde, Irish Family Planning Association, abortion rights Ireland, repeal the 8th amendment
12 February 2019

'We were regularly called murderers. It was a time in Ireland when the Catholic church reigned supreme.'

Abortion and the referendum in Ireland Catherine Forde, Activist, barrister and former board member of the IFPA I first got involved during the 1982 campaign to insert the 8th Amendment (that the fetus has a right to life equal right to life of the mother into the Irish Constitution). No matter what one's opinion was on abortion, putting such a clause into our constitution showed complete and utter disrespect for women. It was clear to me this clause would give rise to legal difficulties and put women's lives in danger. I just thought this is unfair. This is wrong. It was a very bitter horrible campaign. We were threatened and intimidated when we canvassed on the streets. We were regularly called murderers. It was a time in Ireland when the Catholic church reigned supreme, and they reckoned they could say what they like and do what they liked. I, and a friend, formed a women's health group where we tried to do something about improving women's access to contraception because at that time even access to contraception was extremely limited. Then in 1984 I was asked to join the board of the Irish Family Planning Association (IFPA).